Caste Census : Breach of assurance to the Parliament, cheating the people of India.

Speaking in the national convention on “Caste Census: betrayal of Parliament” at VP House, Rafi Marg, New Delhi on 24th July, I recalled that 24 years ago I had welcomed V P Singh at Delhi University Maurice Nagar Chowk on 24th July, 1987 to raise and represent youth’s voice against corruption, which was symbolized by Bofors deal. He had instantly become national symbol of fight against corruption. However, he was constantly demeaned after he implemented Mandal Commission in 1991. Nevertheless, V P Singh occupies an important place in the OBC Reservation in India. Similarly the role of Shri Arjun Singh deserves to be mentioned also.

But speaking on census first.

Caste Census would never have been an issue in India, to the extent it has become, had it not been clubbed with the decision to ascertain the count of OBC’s in India. A group of reactionary individuals who use the nemesis of “Equality”, though are ardent supporters and perpetuators of Brahmanical Inequality, have raised several irrelevant questions on Mandal Commission fixing 54% as the count for OBC. They have used all arguments on why Mandal Commission was not required to fix the OBC percentage, “It is obvious that the Kalelkar Commission was required to prepare a list of Socially and Educationally Backward classes setting out their approximate number. On the contrary, the Mandal commission was required only to determine the criteria for defining the SEBCs.”
They allege that Mandal Pre-judged OBC headcount. Continuing the disinformation they say, “Before the Mandal Commission’s survey, Lohia claimed that the OBC population was 60%. Mandal was a follower of Lohia, and he has to prove it to be true as his political career thrived on this fact." They have pointed to the report in The Pioneer (October 22, 2006 ):
“In a startling revelation, chairman of the technical committee of the Mandal Commission and noted social scientist Professor BK Roy Burman has said that Mandal had already fixed the OBC population at 54 per cent before their panel could carry out any scientific survey”.

Ans thus they concluded,
“Thus , the figure of 52% is a work of imagination, that too crude.”

To rest such crude arguments, it has to be pointed out that their argument is self-contradictory. Infact, Shri Kelkar under rebuke from Nehru, himself rubbished the report submitted by him, and the report was never taken-up again in the Parliament. So, Shri B P Mandal had to begin afresh, lest the report submitted by him did not meet the same fate. Secondly, those who know the turn of events when Mandal became Chief-Minister of Bihar, one of the first from the backward classes, at least in Bihar, he became so by going against Lohia. More-over, Mandal had to prove nothing to Lohia, that too several years after the death of Lohia! Misinformation against B P Mandal and the report submitted by him began right after its implementation in 1991, and infact, I issued one of the first clarification to these mischievous designs in an article “In the Eye of the Storm”, published in the then most reputed English Weekly, The illustrated weekly of India, a Times of India publication in 1991.

Now with main argument being that the figures of OBC is inflated by Mandal Commission and unrealistic logically the Caste census should be the answer to bring out a closer picture. Infact, what better decision would have been there, then to hold Caste Census. But the same contractors of “Equality”, have become paranoid and are opposing the caste count tooth and nail, to the extent of calling the step as dangerous and out to dismember India. It’s another way to have their cake and eat it too.

Speaking at the Conference JD(U) leader Shri Sharad Yadav said that the assurance to Parliament on Caste census has taken several beatings. First, it was said that it would be a part of second round of information sought as per Census act. Then, it was handed to Urban Affairs Ministry, later to Rural Affairs Ministry to be clubbed with survey on BPL head-count to know the poverty, which ironically Government has not been able to find out inspite of several agencies and several years! Lately, it is being said that caste survey would be conducted by those under NAREGA! It’s height of joke being played with the assurance to the Parliament, which Sharad Yadav continued that Pranab Mukherjee categorically stated that it would be in the format submitted by Sharad ji. Infact, one arm of the government does not know what the other is doing, so, while Pranab Da is giving assurances, Chidambaram is busy scheming!

Shri Ram Vilas Paswan speaking on the issue in the convention was categorical in stating that unity of dalits, OBC, minority will be the only factor which will force the Government to have caste census. He said that “Creamy-layer provision too had to be challenged. Infact, Several political leaders and academicians, who addressed a National Convention on "Caste Census : betrayal of Parliament", organised by Janhit Abhiyan at Speakers Hall, V P House, Rafi Marg, New Delhi today accused the Union Government of having cheated by going back on assurance given to Parliament of India on the question of Caste census. Learned academician Prof Gail Omvedt went to extent of calling the exercise on caste census by Government of India as "Fraud" and said that it was lost case for those hopeful of caste census, who now had to pin hope for the same in the 2021 census. While leaders like Sh Ram Vilas Paswan, Sh Sharad Yadav, Sh Ali Anwar said that if the convention was anything but a reflection of public opinion of the majority on this issue, then the Government should better watch out before misleading the members on the farce they are upto in the name of conducting census on caste, as per the promise made to Parliament of India. They warned the Government to amend during the coming session of Parliament.

The convention was addressed by Sh Ram Vilas Paswan, Sh Sharad Yadav, Janab Ali Anwar, MP, Sh Uday Pratap Singh, MP, Sh Karan Singh Yadav, former MP, Sh Raghu Yadav, Dr M. Vijayanunni, Former Census Commissioner & Registrar General of India and Former Chief Secretary of Kerala, Sh Dilip Mandal, Writer and Freelance Journalist, Prof Subodh Narain Malakar, JNU, Sh Suraj Yadav, Associate Professor, SSN College, DU, Sh BS Yadav, Sh KK Yadav, Dr V K Singh, Sh Prabhash Chandra Yadav, Advocate. Dr Sushma Yadav, Head of Dr B R Ambedkar Chair, IIPA, New Delhi conducted the Convention while Sh Raj Narain was the main organiser.


Coming to the assurance given in the Parliament, we know that it’s another matter that Parliament has failed in its duties and role. At the time of zamindari abolition and nationalisation of banks (the first under Pandit Nehru, the second under Indira Gandhi) the judiciary intervened on points of propriety. Both Nehru and Indira asserted and got the legislation through.
The extensive criminalisation of politics, now it has turned to politicisation of crime.Earlier, politicians used criminals for their purposes. Now the criminals, instead of working for politicians, have themselves joined politics.
Mahatma Gandhi who, in exasperation, said about a similar situation, “How long can the people tolerate?” The impasse in current Parliament was testing the nerves of the people of India, whose money was being drained by reckless MPs.
This august institution was in decline as shown by many indicators,the decline is qualitative and quantitative. Earlier, 49 percent of Parliament’s time was spent in law-making. Now it had come down to 13 percent.

So, assurance given to this body, i.e., the Parliament is bound to be empty, and no protest shall come on it also. And what can we expect from Parliament, where the two channels working under it, the Rajya Sabha and the Lok Sabha channels do not honour the Reservations, and there is no protest from Hon’ble Members on it.
The Caste Census is bound to have several stumbling block, and every time the decision is to be implemented every upper caste interpreter will have his own version and ways to derail it.

Convention on Caste Census: betrayal of Parliament.

Convention on Caste Census: betrayal of Parliament. , a set on Flickr.

Several political leaders and academicians, who addressed a National Convention on "Caste Census : betrayal of Parliament", organised by Janhit Abhiyan at Speakers Hall, V P House, Rafi Marg, New Delhi today accused the Union Government of having cheated by going back on assurance given to Parliament of India on the question of Caste census. Learned academician Ms Gail Omvedt went to extent of calling the exercise on caste census by Government of India as "Fraud" and said that it was lost case for those hopeful of caste census, who now had to pin hope for the same in the 2021 census. While leaders like Sh Ram Vilas Paswan, Sh Sharad Yadav, Sh Ali Anwar said that if the convention was anything but a reflection of public opinion of the majority on this issue, then the Government should better watch out before misleading the members on the farce they are upto in the name of conducting census on caste, as per the promise made to Parliament of India. They warned the Government to ammend during the coming session of Parliament.

The convention was addressed by Sh Ram Vilas Paswan, Sh Sharad Yadav, Janab Ali Anwar, MP, Sh Uday Pratap Singh, MP, Sh Karan Singh Yadav, former MP, Sh Raghu Yadav, Dr M. Vijayanunni, Former Census Commissioner & Registrar General of India and Former Chief Secretary of Kerala, Sh Dilip Mandal, Writer and Freelance Journalist, Prof Subodh Narain Malakar, JNU, Sh Suraj Yadav, Associate Professor, SSN College, DU, Sh BS Yadav, Sh KK Yadav, Dr V K Singh, Sh Prabhash Chandra Yadav, Advocate. Dr Sushma Yadav, Head of Dr B R Ambedkar Chair, IIPA, New Delhi conducted the Convention while Sh Raj Narain was the main organiser.

Nitish Kumar in soup – Ugly face of “Sushasan Babu”, BIADA Scam.

While Nitish Kumar cleverly builds up his ‘image’ of a honest, idealist Chief Minister and his mangers have made the media falls in line, the real ‘appearance’ is not all that pleasant. At least with the Scam of Bihar Industrial Area Development Authority it is clear that the ugly side of his face is peeping behind ‘Sushasan Babu,” with valuable industrial plots distributed like booty among the sons, daughter, kith and kin of the members of his Ministry. The land was supposed to be distributed amongst the entrepreneurs to build up the industrial base of Bihar. But the fact that many of the beneficiaries are relatives of his Ministers, the question on his motive and character has naturally arisen. It is a different matter that his Ministry has not added a single Megawatt of power after coming to power, so important for the infrastructure development for an industrial base of the state.

The former Advocate general of Bihar Mr P K Shahi is the Human Resource Minister of Nitish Government supposed to be quite close to the Chief Minister. Nitish Government has given a valuable ‘gift’ to Ms Urvashi Shahi, the pampered daughter of the pampered Minister. The Bihar Industrial Area Development Authority allotted 87 thousand sq ft land for the lady. So, the land which was supposed to have been allotted to the Entrepeneurs fo setting up Industrial units to generate employment was gifted away to please the Minister’s daughter. The Minister went on record to say that the kith and kin of the Minister’s too had a right to earn a livelihood. Of course, Mr Minister, but this is graft and you termed the previous regime as "Jungle Raj", precisely because laws were not followed.

One of the Navratna IAS of Nitish regime happens to be Afzal Amanullah, who is the Principal Secretary in the Irrigation Department these days. He has also held the post of Home Secretary and Cabinet Secretary in the Bihar Government. His wife Praveen Amanullah got the (JDU) ticket, courtesy Nitish Kumar and was later appointed as the Social Welfare Minister. We are not sure about the welfare of the society, but the fact that ‘charity begins at home’ can be clearly seen. Nitish Government also showered largesse on the daughter of Amanullahs, and Rahmat Fatima accordingly has been given 87 thousand sq ft land.

Before becoming Minister Parveen Amanullah had filed several PILs to expose Corruption in the Nitish Government, but now she will certainly appreciate her daughters progress.

Jagdish Sharma is known ‘dabang’ of JD(U). He has been MLA right from 1977 to 2009. After he became MP his son Rahul Kumar represents Ghosi constituency in Bihar assembly. Nitish Government is already affectionate towards this family. Bihar Industrial Area Development Authority has allotted 15.5 thousand sq ft of land at Hajipur, near Patna to Msrs Devlok Agro Beverage Company Pvt Ltd belonging to Mr Rahul Kumar, probably to produce political clout and following!

When JD(U) people were blessed with the largesse, how could BJP be left behind, afterall the power is being shared and they are equal partners in Government. Former Minister and BJP MLC Avdhesh Narain Singh also hit the jackpot and Bihar Industrial Area Development Authority allotted 2 lakh 17 thousand sq ft land at Bihita to Mr Mahesh Kumar. Now names can change but official papers betrays identity because Mr Mahesh Kumar has been allotted land on the address - Trident Foundation, Verma Centre, 405406, Boring Road Crossing, Patna. This is the address of the office of Avdhesh Narain Singh.

Another plot allotted at Bihita is given to Mother Teresa Medical Trust for educational institute. According to informed sources this society belongs to Anand Kishore (IG Jail). It is atserial no & on the list.


The game of land scam continued. Another MLC of BJP Ashok Chowdhary also got land by Bihar Industrial Area Development Authority at Forbesganj. He got this for his son Saurabh Chowdhary. The first plot is of 13 lakh sq ft and second plot is of 2 lakh 46 thousand sq ft. This is the same plot where many minorities lost their life in the police violence.

The question is that it is not a mere coincidence that the near and dear ones of Nitish Government has been allotted land by Bihar Industrial Area Development Authority to those who have nothing to do with the Industrial development of the state. This is something what Yedurappa did in Karnatak. The allotment is a simple and shining example of graft by Nitish Government. Certainly, Bihar Industrial Area Development Authority has set rules for allotment. They have to advertise and get proposals, which has to be examined by a technical committee and put to the highest bidder. It is reliably learnt that most of these allot tees who are close to Nitish were the only ones to bid because no advertisement for these plots were made. So common people or the Entrepreneurs did not even know that these land will be allotted by the Government for Industrial Development and those who knew hit the jackpot.

Bank Nationalisation - 42 years of Socio-Economic Justice in India.

ON July 19, 1969 - forty two years ago - 14 major private banks were nationalised in India. It was what Jayaprakash Narayan, the veteran socialist-national leader of India, described the step as a "masterstroke of political sagacity", when Smt Indira Gandhi nationalized 14 Banks in 1969 and not only scored over her rivals in the Congress Party, all much senior and experienced, known as “Syndicate” group, but also won over the hearts of millions of Indians which made her sweep the General elections later. She had become the ‘messiah’ of the poor and people fell for her slogan “garibi hatao”. She said aptly, “Woh kahte hain Indira hatao, main kahti hoon Garibi Hatao”. Sadly, the Congress Party is moving on the policy of “Garib Hatao” as its decision making becomes quagmire of corporate dictation, forgetting the common man.

Let us see how bank nationalization happened and why? Today Reserve Bank of India is the central bank of the country. Central banks are a relatively recent innovation and most central banks, as we know them today, were established around the early twentieth century.The Reserve Bank of India was set up on the basis of the recommendations of the Hilton Young Commission. The Reserve Bank of India Act, 1934 (II of 1934) provides the statutory basis of the functioning of the Bank, which commenced operations on April 1, 1935.

The Bank began its operations by taking over from the Government the functions so far being performed by the Controller of Currency and from the Imperial Bank of India, the management of Government accounts and public debt. The existing currency offices at Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Rangoon, Karachi, Lahore and Cawnpore (Kanpur) became branches of the Issue Department. Offices of the Banking Department were established in Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, Delhi and Rangoon.
Burma (Myanmar) seceded from the Indian Union in 1937 but the Reserve Bank continued to act as the Central Bank for Burma till Japanese Occupation of Burma and later upto April, 1947. After the partition of India, the Reserve Bank served as the central bank of Pakistan upto June 1948 when the State Bank of Pakistan commenced operations. The Bank, which was originally set up as a shareholder's bank, was nationalised in 1949.

Despite the provisions, control and regulations of Reserve Bank of India, banks in India except the State Bank of India or SBI, continued to be owned and operated by private persons. By the 1960s, the Indian banking industry had become an important tool to facilitate the development of the Indian economy. The Government of India issued an ordinance and nationalised the 14 largest commercial banks with effect from the midnight of July 19, 1969. Within two weeks of the issue of the ordinance, the Parliament passed the Banking Companies (Acquisition and Transfer of Undertaking) Bill, and it received the presidential approval on 9 August 1969.

A second dose of nationalization of 6 more commercial banks followed in 1980.

It is easy now to take for granted, or even to dismiss or disparage, what an extraordinary and important step that was. It was not a step taken at random or because of the whims of the leadership of the time, but reflected a process of struggle and political change which had made this an important demand of the people. The political situation at that time had some eerie similarities to the present one: a weakened Congress Party, in which Indira Gandhi sought to establish her position vis-à-vis the “syndicate” of older and more established Congress leaders by enlisting the support of left elements both within and outside her party. Bank nationalisation was one fallout of this political configuration, which had been placed on the agenda by progressive movements and campaigns for this. In these struggles, incidentally, hundreds of people even lost their lives, giving some idea of the intensity of the demand and the violence of the opposition.

The government's banking policy has paid rich dividends over the last five decades, especially after 1969 when 14 major private banks were nationalised. The policy has resulted in the creation of the massive network of the banking structure in the country. The major chunk of the structure was contributed by the nationalised banks, which number 27 at present.
According to bank economists, during the last 42 years of nationalisation, the branches of the public sector banks rose 800 per cent from 7,219 to 57,000, with deposits and advances taking a huge jump by 11,000 per cent and 9,000 per cent to Rs 5,035.96 billion and Rs 2,765.3 billion respectively.Contrary to the popular belief, employee productivity has been rising in the nationalised banks over the period, the economists said. Productivity per employee in respect of business volume (both deposits and advances) has gone up from Rs 250,000 in 1969 to Rs 4,780,000 in 1993. Accordingly, profits of these banks went up to Rs 30 billion in 1993 as against Rs 90 million at the time of the nationalisation, they said.

These banks also contributed to the generation of employment. Their staff strength increased by 300 per cent over the period to 900,000.

The economists said the growth of the banking sector after the nationalisation was unprecedented anywhere in the world. It is particularly true of branch expansion to every nook and corner of the country. While there were hardly any branch in the rural areas in 1969, 35,000 bank branches are operating there at present.
The need for the nationalisation was felt mainly because private commercial banks were not fulfilling the social and developmental goals of banking which are so essential for any industrialising country. Despite the enactment of the Banking Regulation Act in 1949 and the nationalisation of the largest bank, the State Bank of India, in 1955, the expansion of commercial banking had largely excluded rural areas and small-scale borrowers.

The developmental goals of financial intermediation were not being achieved other than for some favoured large industries and established business houses. Whereas industry’s share in credit disbursed by commercial banks almost doubled between 1951 and 1968, from 34 per cent to 68 per cent, agriculture received less than 2 per cent of total credit. Other key areas such credit to exports and small-scale industries were also neglected.

Question arises that with the policies being taken up and followed by the Government of India at present are the goals being met or are we becoming just another example of ‘Banana Republic’?
We have to think and decide.

बिहार – विशेष दर्ज़ा या विशेष लूट .

जहाँ एक ओर बिहार सरकार केन्द्रीय सहायता को मार्च आ जाने तक भी पूरी तरह उपयोग नहीं कर पायी है, और दूसरी ओर केन्द्रीय योजनाओं में बेतहाशा लूट जारी है, यह समझना कठिन है की नितीश कुमार और उनके साथियों का बिहार को विशेष दर्ज़ा दिए जाने से उनका क्या तात्पर्य है. मनरेगा को चलाने वाले एक-एक ठेके पर बहाल कर्मचारी पटना में ५० - ६० लाख का घर ले रहें है, और सरकार दावा करती है की योजना में सहायता कम पड़ रही है. लालू प्रसाद की पिछले सरकार ने जहाँ एक ओर सिर्फ लूटने का काम किया था, यह सरकार काम भी कर रही है और लूट भी जारी है.
कैग ( भारत सरकार का महालेखाकार) के रिपोर्ट में कहा गया था की २००७-०८ तक बिहार सरकार ने ११,४१२ कड़ोड़ रूपये के विकास खर्च के लेख-जोखा में गड़बड़ी की है, और बाद में पटना उच्च न्यायलय ने भी इस पर संज्ञान लिया था और सी बी आई जांच की अनुशंसा की थी , जिसे manage कर लिया गया.
कैग की एक दुसरे रिपोर्ट में कहा गया है की बाढ़ सहायता में एक बड़ा घोटाला हुआ है और अगस्त - अक्तूबर २००७ में कुछ जिलों में ट्रक पर राशन भेजने के बजाय मोटर सायकल पर खाद्य सामग्री ढोए गए थे जिसमें बाढ़ राहत के लिए २७४.१५ quintal का गोल माल हुआ था. विधान सभा में पेश कैग के अन्य रिपोर्ट में दोपहर खाने, स्वर्ण जयंती ग्राम स्वरोजगार योजना में भारी घोटाले के आरोप लगाये गए हैं जिन पर राज्य सरकार ने कोई कार्यवाई नहीं की है. कैग रिपोर्ट में राष्ट्रिय ग्रामीण स्वास्थ्य स्कीम, जननी सुरक्षा योजना अदि में भ्रष्ट अफसरशाही के कारण १४०० कड़ोड़ रूपये का घोटाला हुआ. शिक्षक ट्रेनिंग के लिए ८.७३ कड़ोड़ रूपये का कोई उपयोग ही नहीं हुआ.
कोशी त्रासदी की मार झेल चुकी जनता बाढ़ राहत के घोटाले की भुक्तभोगी है. आश्चर्य यह है की कोसी त्रसदी की जांच के लिए नियुक्त राजेश वालिया आयोग को तीन महीने में रिपोर्ट देना था परन्तु चार वर्ष बीत जाने पर भी रिपोर्ट का अता-पता नहीं है.
अधिकारीयों के संपत्ति का ब्यौरा आज कल सबसे हँसाने वाले चुटकुले हैं, और चंदा मामा की कहानियों को मात कर रही है. राज्य के एक वरिष्ठ अधिकारी का पटना के डाक बंगला चौराहे पर भारी संपत्ति और होटल के बारे में रिक्शा वाले भी जानते हैं, परन्तु सरकारी वेबसाइट पर उन्हें चढ़ने के लिए के कार भी नहीं है.
इनका जवाब नितीश कुमार जी ढूँढ लें, तो विशेस राज्य का दर्ज़ा स्वतः प्राप्त हो जायेगा, अन्यथा विशेस लूट जी जारी रहेगा.

Criminalisation from below – the Irony of Panchayati Raj in Bihar.

I am quoting a few examples of winning candidates at Madhepura in the three tier Panchayati Raj Election held recently in Bihar. Some of the seats of Chairman, Zila Parishad(District level), Pramukh (Block level) and Mukhiya (Village level) are reserved for weaker sections and women. So, many of these are proxy candidates and wives of the actual aspirant and the ones who would like to exercise power.
So, the Chairperson of Zila Parishad at Madhepura is Ms.Milan Devi (wife of Mr Siyaram Yadav, which one not sure because he has married more than once, and keeps many). Now Mr Siyaram Yadav runs a Theatre ( Nautanki group, which have in recent years become just a vulgar display of nautch (dance) by girls. It is said he married second time from amongst them). The Deputy Chairperson is Mr Ranbeer Kumar Yadav (a person with criminal background). But the case in point is the election of one Manoj Yadav as Pramukh of Patarghat Block of the neighbouring Saharsa District.His election only proves that criminalisation of politics begins from below and the law abiding citizens have no safeguard against criminal tactics and intimidation, and as such are under fear even to mention this before the authorities.
Manoj Yadav has 52 cases of murder, decoity, rape, ransoming, extortion etc., none of them can be considered anything less than ‘heinous’ crime. Manoj Yadav is a dreaded criminal who has been in jail for more than 6 months on several counts. He has committed crime across the state in many districts including Saharsa, Madhepura, Purnea. He is the main accused in Babhni Carnage in which many people were killed. He has broken away from jail and absconded. Manoj Yadav has managed to come out of Jail because there is no one to appear as witness in any of the case in which he is involved for the fear of life and property being targeted by this dreaded criminal and his gang.
Now, just to see how there is no law to stop such criminals from launching their political careers in Panchayati Raj institutions, so that they can rise to become ardent protectors of Criminalisation of Politics. So, any attempt by Election Commission to challenge criminalization often meets dead end.
After the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act., Government of Bihar enacted the Bihar Panchyat Raj Act, 1993 (Replaced by Bihar Panchayati Raj Act,2006) and a three tier system of Panchayat Raj (Zila Parishad, Panchayat Samiti and Gram Panchayats) started functioning after general election in April/ May 2001.
There are 38 Zila Parishads (ZPs), 531 Panchayat Samitis (PSs) and 8471 Gram Panchayats (GPs) in the State of Bihar covering a rural population of about 7,43,21,103. At the state level the Panchayat Raj Department coordinates the functioning of the PRIs.
The 73rd (panchayati raj) amendment to the Constitution of India mandates the transfer of decision-making powers and resources in rural areas to local democratic bodies called panchayats. It aims at giving women, scheduled castes and scheduled tribes wider representation. The amendment was a revolutionary step in enabling true local self-governance.
However, the aims are not being achieved. Just to show how the Bihar Government has enacted the law to debar Teachers, Advocates, Professors et al from contesting the Panchayat Elections and made all arrangement for criminals to have a free for them in contesting, I’d like to quote Section 136 of the Panchayat Act 2006 which shows who can be disqualified. Section 136,(g)reads as,"has been sentenced by a criminal court whether within or out of India to imprisonment for an offence, other than a political offence, for a term exceeding six months or has been ordered to furnish security for good behavior under section 109 or section 110 of the Code of Criminal
Procedure 1973 (Act 2, 1974) and such sentence or order not having subsequently been reversed;".

Now we can see that criminals like Manoj Yadav, who have not been sentenced, or are not likely to be sentenced can go on contesting, and intimidating their way to victory. However, if any respectable person, who has been charged of being a threat to ‘law and order’ and on any occasion asked to pay a fine under Section 109 or 110 of Cr P C, will be debarred from contesting or will be disqualified if he wins.
It is pertinent to mention that Sh Nitish Kumar claimed to have countered “Jungle Raj” and allowed ‘Rule of Law’, which has now been restored in Bihar. But such laws and their implementation seriously raises questions on the motive of “Sushasan Babu” Nitish Kumar. However, more importantly it raises bigger questions on the political system in India being insensitive to the menace of “CRIMINALISATION” of Politics, rather functioning as its perpetuator. So, hopes are on movements like “fighting corruption in India” of Anna Hazare also taking up crutches of “fighting Criminalisation of political system in India.”

Academic Forum for Social Justice protests "loot" of OBC seats at Delhi University.

And why did Delhi University Colleges keep 100% marks as cut-off ? Read to debar OBC seats being filled up. The exercise continues with Minister for HRD, Vice-Chancellor, University of Delhi playing lead roles and lesser mortals (Principals etc) playing their own role.

It is interesting to note that in December 2010, the High Court ruled that relaxation of marks for OBCs should be given on "minimum marks" as specified in the 2008 judgement of the Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court, and should not be in comparison to the marks of the students admitted in the general category. But by challenging and getting a stay, Delhi University has unambiguously announced that it is against OBC seats being filled up by the eligible OBC candidates. So, DU contests case against its own students and with their money.
The activists of Academic Forum for Social Justice marched to Vice-Chancellor's office today, the 11th July at 12'O clock noon to protest against anti-OBC measures of Delhi University ostensibly under direct encouragement of Prof Dinesh Singh, the Vice-Chancellor of Delhi University. The contempt and disregard for democratic and constitutional rights of the students of Backward Classes was more than clear when the Vice-Chancellor and other University Authorities chose not to meet the delegation of the forum, inspite of the protest continuing for more than three hours at VC office. The activist of Academic Forum for Social Justice resolved to organise a much bigger OBC protest to expose the nexus between the VC and HRD Minister to neutralise the reservation being extended to OBC students. Meanwhile, the Dean Students Welfare had a discussion with the forum delegation after the protest continued.

The protesters marched with the following demand to the Vice-Chancellor -
* Implement 27% reservation for OBCs without reference to the marks of the admitted general category candidate ( correct interpretation of SC judgement).
* Withdraw SLP filed in the Division Bench of Delhi High Court challenging December 2010 judgement of a single judge of the Delhi High Court.
* Announce cut off marks for General and OBC candidates well in advance for all level of admission by giving OBC 10% relaxation in cut-off.
* Implement strict reservation in M Phil and Ph D admission/registration and University Teaching Assistantship.
* Bring out a white paper on how the money for OBC expansion has been spent in the University and its colleges.

A RTI disclosure shows that the Total OBC seats are - 7059, Total OBC Admission -3158, Total OBC seats vacant - 3901, Total grants received for expanding infrastructure in lieu of OBC reservation - Rs 203,39,50,186/-, Total teaching posts sanctioned -905.

So, OBC reservation is being granted from one hand and being taken away from another.

Reliance bulldozes willing Government on Gas deal against serious objections by Intelligence and massive loss to PSUs.

In a typical bulldozing style the Hindustan Times, July 4,2011 Business page headlines read "RIL asks govt to expedite approvals for $7.2-bn BP deal". It is not surprising that otherwise we would have expected the Government to ask, while the confidence and manipulative power of a mere company lets it happen the vice-versa. It is interesting to note that there is a huge objection from our Intelligence Agencies on this deal.

Even a guarded report says, "

Amidst concerns raised by central intelligence agencies over the $7.2-billion (R32,400-crore) Reliance Industries Ltd (RIL)-BP deal, RIL is pushing for speedy approvals to the deal and has cited BP's entry into India as a “major boost to the energy security of the country.“ Mukesh-Ambani led RIL had signed a deal to sell a 30% stake in 23 oil and gas fields to BP.
RIL's letter dated June 10, asking the petroleum ministry to “expedite approvals“ for its deal with BP, comes within days of a June-1 note of the Ministry of Home Affairs conveying concerns of intelligence agencies.
The agencies had voiced concerns over the handling of a “natural resource“ such as gas by a new player with BP's financial muscle, which would not only take away a large chunk of the gas marketing and transportation business of India's national gas carrier GAIL India Ltd, but will also raise the cost of oil and gas for user industries.

While conveying its “security no-objection certificate“ to the RIL-BP deal, the home ministry has asked the petroleum ministry to “take into account“ these observations while “considering the case.“"

".

Intelligence objections are as follows - * RIL-BP deal could target GAIL and other Public Sector Companies and damage them extensively.*BP is just looking for alternative because Russia stopped flow of gas to Europe, and this will mean Gas from KG basin being taken away from India.* The License to RIL does not allow sale of assets and this is purely illegal.* Any such deal should be entered with Public Sector companies first.

Only a few weeks ago in the observations of the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) in its draft report had said that huge losses occurred to the Central exchequer on account of favours extended to private operators like Reliance Industries (RIL) in developing India's biggest gas fieldKG-D6. It wouldn't be surprising if the willing Government for considerations which may be considered extraneous may oblige RIL and over rule the objections of our Intelligence Agencies and put India's security and interests for sale. I am just trying to warn my countrymen.
Jai Hind.

लोकपाल विधेयक - कुछ तथ्य और आपसे प्रश्न ?

लोकपाल संस्कृत शब्द 'लोक' यानि जनता और 'पाल' यानि जनता का रक्षक को मिला कर बना है. लोकपाल का विचार भारतीय राजनीती के सभी स्तर पर व्याप्त भ्रष्टाचार से निपटने को ध्यान में रख कर लाया गया. परन्तु आज़ादी के कई दशक बाद भी इस विधेयक पर कानून नहीं बन सका है. सबसे पहले १९६९ में यह विधेयक लाया गया परन्तु राज्य सभा में पारित होने के बावजूद लोक सभा में पारित नहीं हो सका. १९७९ में तत्कालीन कानून मंत्री शांतिभूषण ( जो अभी जन-लोकपाल समिति में सदस्य हैं) ने इसे सदन में रखा परन्तु इसे पारित नहीं करा पाए. अतः १९७१, १९७७,१९८५,१९८९, २००१, २००५ और हाल में २००८ में संसद में लाने जाने पर भी यह कानून नहीं बन पाया है.सरकार फिर एक लोकपाल विधेयक के साथ तैयार है, परतु गांधीवादी नेता अन्ना हजारे की अगुआई में India Against Corruption के कार्यकर्त्ता एक जन लोकपाल विधेयक को लागू करवाने के लिए संघर्ष कर रहे है जिसके दायरे में प्रधान मंत्री और सर्वोच्च न्यायलय के न्यायधीश भी आयें.
मैं अन्ना हजारे के मुहीम का समर्थन करता हूँ. परन्तु मेरे सुझाव है कि लोकपाल संस्था कम से कम तीन सदस्यीय हो जिसमे अनुसूचित जाति, अनुसूचित जनजाति, अन्य पिछड़े वर्ग और अल्पसंख्यक समुदाय को प्रतिनिधित्व मिलते रहना चाहिए.लोकपाल के दायरे में प्रधान मंत्री एवं सर्वोच्च न्यायलय भी निश्चित तौर पर आना चाहिए.
इस पर आप क्या सोचते हैं? टिपण्णी करें.